Analytical Articles

After years of devastating civil war, Afghanistan has entered an era that could potentially bring peace and stability to Afghans. The recent advances of Northern Alliance forces in different directions suddenly changed the political scene in Afghanistan. The disappearance of the Taliban as a major political and military force, the Afghans’ desire to end the civil war and the interest of the international community in peace and stability in Afghanistan have all created grounds for the formation of a stable Afghan government. However, competition among major regional and non-regional powers has been a major external factor intensifying conflicts among various Afghan political groups. This has become a major hurdle in the way of establishing a central government representative of and acceptable to the majority of the Afghans.

The new fragmentation of Central Asia is a painful and unpleasant lesson for the local population. The imaginary borders of Soviet times have become real; they seriously impede cross-border migration of labor and trade. Land mines and numerous barriers for travel, pilgrimage, and communication greatly contribute to social tensions. Since September 11, extra security measures cause new problems for ordinary people in Central Asia: thousands of them were expelled from neighboring countries. In Central Asia’s security environment, border uncertainty and external challenges have become closely intertwined. A common regional agenda requires resolving the numerous border problems in a friendly and non-discriminatory way.

The ostensible success of negotiations in Bonn increased hopes of peace and stability in Afghanistan. The search for viable alternatives to the Taliban was based in the building of a "broad-based" coalition that could initiate a democratic process in the country. Strong pressure brought a deal between King Zahir Shah's group and the Northern Alliance which seemed to fill the political vacuum following the rapid collapse of the Taliban regime. However, being largely the product of outside efforts, this solution creates skepticism regarding its ability to unify and reconcile the country. It critically neglects local political tradition - a set of sentiments, prejudices and beliefs that during 250 years has formed the Afghan perception of legitimacy and loyalty.

The first half of November saw Kazakhstan's most important political crisis since 1997. Several principal cabinet ministers resigned to form a technocratic reform group called Democratic Choice, while President Nursultan Nazarbaev of Kazakhstan removed from office the outspoken prefect of the Pavlodar region Galymzhan Zhakiyanov. This was the outcome of a series of events beginning with the resignation of Nazarbaev's son-in-law Rakhat Aliev from his post as deputy head of the country's National Security Council. Despite Aliev's diminished public profile, the result appears nevertheless to turn to his advantage. 

The first half of November saw Kazakhstan's most important political crisis since 1997. Several principal cabinet ministers resigned to form a technocratic reform group called Democratic Choice, while President Nursultan Nazarbaev of Kazakhstan removed from office the outspoken prefect of the Pavlodar region Galymzhan Zhakiyanov. This was the outcome of a series of events beginning with the resignation of Nazarbaev's son-in-law Rakhat Aliev from his post as deputy head of the country's National Security Council. Despite Aliev's diminished public profile, the result appears nevertheless to turn to his advantage. 

The first half of November saw Kazakhstan's most important political crisis since 1997. Several principal cabinet ministers resigned to form a technocratic reform group called Democratic Choice, while President Nursultan Nazarbaev of Kazakhstan removed from office the outspoken prefect of the Pavlodar region Galymzhan Zhakiyanov. This was the outcome of a series of events beginning with the resignation of Nazarbaev's son-in-law Rakhat Aliev from his post as deputy head of the country's National Security Council. Despite Aliev's diminished public profile, the result appears nevertheless to turn to his advantage. 

The unexpectedly easy access to Kabul by the Northern Alliance and the coalition against terrorism has confirmed the first principle of the 21st century warfare: that it is as good as impossible to vanquish America when it is using its entire arsenal of power. No state is in a position to challenge this ‘hyper-power’. Instead, adversaries attempt to counter this imbalance of power by the use of asymmetric methods. 

The unexpectedly easy access to Kabul by the Northern Alliance and the coalition against terrorism has confirmed the first principle of the 21st century warfare: that it is as good as impossible to vanquish America when it is using its entire arsenal of power. No state is in a position to challenge this ‘hyper-power’. Instead, adversaries attempt to counter this imbalance of power by the use of asymmetric methods. 

Before the collapse of the Soviet Union, Central Asia provided raw materials and was a proving ground for the Soviet Union's nuclear program. The Kyrgyz Republic, in fact, was a radioactive dump and is home to hazardous nuclear "tailings". As a result, there is a dangerous possibility of radioactive pollution of a huge area, including the territory of other Central Asian states. It may cause serious consequences for the population, environment and economy of the Central Asian region.

Before the collapse of the Soviet Union, Central Asia provided raw materials and was a proving ground for the Soviet Union's nuclear program. The Kyrgyz Republic, in fact, was a radioactive dump and is home to hazardous nuclear "tailings". As a result, there is a dangerous possibility of radioactive pollution of a huge area, including the territory of other Central Asian states. It may cause serious consequences for the population, environment and economy of the Central Asian region.